2. 황현숙(kazuya) 보플 과제가 너무 쉬웠나? 그럼 챌린지강도 업! ^^
모짜르트의 죽음과 매장
Amadeus Mozart's death과제가 너무 쉬워 우스워 보임? 그럼 챌린지 강도 업! ^^
겁먹을 건 없다. 평이한 영어임.
그러나 길이에서 압도적으로 길어질 때,
플루엔시의 가장 큰 적은 피로.
천박한 노출량, 연습량에 시달리는 하급자들은 뇌에 혀에 쥐가 날 것임.
경직과 함께 dysfluency fairy 가 찾아올 것이얌~! 크큿
평소 노출과 뿜어내기 분량이 단촐하시던 분들은 나가 떨어질 일만 남은 거즤? ㅋ
장마 범람하는 검은 하수구 물 위에 뜬 어설픈 검불 나부랭이처럼
이제 훅 불려 나가 떨어질 일만 남았군? 크크큿
웬디셔먼(Wendy Sherman)의 동북아 연설
포멀 잉글리시 듣기 연습. 좀 깁니다. 48분 13초의 분량
웬디 셔먼(Wendy Sherman)의 동북 아시아 연설
Wendy Sherman on Northeast Asia미국무부 정무차관 웬디 셔먼, 2월 27일 자 워싱턴 카네기 국제평화 재단 연설
"Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman will speak about how the United States has worked with partners and allies to build a peaceful and prosperous post-war order in Northeast Asia, and the future of U.S. policy in the region."
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k9lRmwGOgzk
트랜스크립트는 길이가 길어 전부 실리지 않을 듯하여 연설문의 앞부분 반만 실음.
UNDER SECRETARY SHERMAN: Well, good morning to you all. And thanks especially to Bill Burns for that really lovely introduction. It’s nice to see that there really is life after the State Department. (Laughter.) For your information, Ambassador Burns, I spent much of the past week in Europe engaged in negotiations with Iran and our multilateral partners regarding Tehran’s nuclear program. I mention this to make the former deputy secretary feel nostalgic and realize all the fun he’s been missing. (Laughter.) Because there’s no question that Carnegie’s gain is the State Department’s loss.
We all know people who are smart, who work hard, who have broad experience, or who are visionary. We all know people who are fun to be around or who can be counted on to keep their cool when everyone else is going a little nuts. What we rarely run into is someone who combines all those qualities, and that’s exactly what Bill Burns does. And so we, I miss him terribly, but we also know exactly where to find him. And there’s no doubt that although he may have retired from public service, Bill’s wise contributions to the discussion of world affairs will continue. I count him as a very close advisor to me, to the Secretary, to the President of the United States, and that’s a blessing to all of us. Thank you, Bill, for your continued service.
This morning, I welcome the chance to talk to you about relations between the United States and three nations: Japan, China, and South Korea. It’s the right time to do so, because throughout the remainder of the Obama Administration, Northeast Asia will continue to be a major focus of U.S. foreign policy. In November, President Obama had a fruitful visit to China for the APEC Summit; Deputy Secretary of State Blinken just returned from the region; and in the coming months, Prime Minister Abe and Presidents Park and Xi will all make separate trips to Washington.
I went to Northeast Asia myself earlier this month and returned with a strong sense that we are at a pivotal moment; amid chronic dangers, there are also opportunities for the region to reduce tensions and became one of the globe’s sturdiest platforms for international prosperity and peace.
To begin, a story from a former colleague and veteran Asian hand, Ambassador Winston Lord.
Sometime ago, he and his wife – the very learned Bette Bao Lord – visited an ancient temple outside Beijing. They were met by the head priest who asked them to inscribe a few words that, as he put it, might help to guide and instruct future visitors to the temple. Winston said at that moment his ego inflated and he began frantically running through his mental storehouse of wise sayings. A short time later, an aide to the priest came forward with a brush, a jar of ink, and two small wooden planks. After an exchange of bows, the priest clarified his request. “To guide and instruct future visitors,” he said to the proud American scholars, “please write one plank the English word for ‘Ladies’ and on the other for ‘Gentlemen.’” (Laughter.)
The moral, according to Ambassador Lord, was that whenever Westerners hope to impress Asians with their wisdom, we might well begin by showing humility. This morning, I would add that, in addition to humility, it’s also necessary to approach Asia with an appreciation of the past. I say that because the past is very much present in East Asia today. It affects the temperatures of relations between countries and helps determine how every gesture is interpreted. The impact is sharpened by the fact that 2015 marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
As I found during my recent trip, this anniversary is considered a pretty big deal in the Asia-Pacific, just as it is here. Seven decades ago, in fact, my own father was a U.S. Marine. He fought and was wounded in the Battle of Guadalcanal, a six-month campaign which eventually turned the tide in that terrible conflict. None of us should underestimate the trauma of those years, which did begin in aggression and ended in an uneasy dawn of the nuclear age. For millions, the war meant death, and for survivors, the loss of loved ones and an utterly changed way of life. Little wonder that the ordeal opened wounds of body and mind that in some cases have still not fully healed.
In the hearts of many, the conflict also generated a fervent desire to prevent such a catastrophe from ever happening again. My parents were part of that category of people, so when the fighting was finally over, they journeyed to San Francisco simply to be present at the founding of the United Nations. The very first line of the UN Charter expressed the determination, “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.”
Given the lofty nature of UN ideals, we sometimes forget that the world body wasn’t the creation of starry-eyed dreamers; on the contrary, it was the handiwork of clear-eyed realists just emerging from the crucible of the Holocaust and global conflict. And they saw as their most urgent job the development of institutions that would keep nations from once again ripping each other apart. Today, we’re called on to continue this quest, but to succeed, we must learn from the past and shape institutions and arrangements of our own.
Since the first weeks of the Obama Administration, Asia has figured prominently in American foreign policy. The famous rebalance has come into its own despite many other demands. We’ve achieved a new normal of sustained, well-resourced, high-level engagement with the region. But it’s worth remembering what the rebalance is and what it was never intended to be. It’s not a move away from the Americas or from Europe, and it’s not primarily a military strategy. Rather, it’s simply a recognition of reality. America’s security and prosperity are inextricably and increasingly linked with the Asia-Pacific.
The United States, China, and Japan are homes to the world’s three largest economies, and Korea has moved into the top twelve. Outside of Europe and North America, these are the largest trading partners of the United States, and trade within the region and around the Asia-Pacific has skyrocketed. This expansion of economic influence has an impact in other arenas, including security and diplomacy. Events in East Asia will inarguably affect the future of us all.
In the past quarter century, China’s economy has grown at a faster rate over a longer period of time than any other in history. Extreme poverty has declined sharply, average life expectancy has more than doubled, illiteracy is vanishing, the middle class has mushroomed, and Chinese industrial centers have become magnets for foreign investment. Of course, as investors are frequently reminded, past results are no guarantee of future performance. China, by its own admission, faces a variety of domestic challenges, including an aging work force, a widening gap between rich and poor, the need to stimulate domestic consumption, and a level of pollution that is literally breathtaking.
Over the years, U.S.-China relations have had their ups and downs, but American policy has been remarkably consistent. Presidents from Nixon to Obama have agreed on the importance of-- engagement, going forward issue by issue, coming together where we can, and narrowing gaps where possible. As our relations have matured, U.S. and Chinese leaders have developed the ability to be very frank with each other. China has complaints about the United States, including our respect for the Dalai Lama and our friendship with the people of Taiwan. For our part, we continue to raise issues of human rights and freedom in all their dimensions. We do so to be true to ourselves and because history has shown that nations that uphold these rights are ultimately more prosperous, more successful, and more able to achieve the dreams of their people.
Of course, there is suspicion in some quarters that because of our differences, America is rooting against China. But the reality is that the United States very much wants China to be stable and prosperous. And that’s not because we’re just altruistic; it’s for the same reason that in the 1990s, we supported Beijing’s membership in the WTO. We recognize that China’s success benefits our own, just as our progress supports China’s. That’s also why we’re working to reach agreement with Beijing on a bilateral trade and investment treaty, a pact with high standards that would provide a level playing field for U.S. investors and ensure that commercial ties are supported by the rule of law.
Meanwhile, China is not the only country in East Asia that has been rising. Since I was a teenager first learning about the world, South Korea has made amazing progress. It has graduated from international aid recipient to aid donor, the result of an explosion of innovation, economic reform, and greater democracy. As a reflection of its new status, South Korea has in recent years hosted a G-20 summit, served on the Security Council, and seen one of its most able sons elected and re-elected secretary-general of the United Nations.
Bilaterally, we’re now in the third year of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement. We’ve seen four rounds of tariff cuts on goods such as cars, trucks, appliances, and medicines, and the export of services is up as well. This is America’s most significant trade agreement in almost two decades and it is building an even stronger foundation for the future of our alliance with Seoul. Like Korea, Japan is America’s ally and close friend. We share a love of democracy, a belief in human rights, a commitment to peace, and some pretty good baseball players.
Japan is also by far the largest economy among the countries with whom we are currently pursuing the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a 12-nation trade and investment regime that encompasses two-fifths of the globe’s economic output, and that will include landmark provisions governing labor, the environment, and internet freedom. Instead of a plunge to the bottom, the TPP will encourage a race to the top. And it will contribute to prosperity all along the Pacific Rim.
One fact that strikes me whenever I visit Japan is the depth of interests and values we share. Japan has long been a lead supporter of international law and a generous contributor to overseas development. In recent years, its role has expanded to include logistical support for coalition military forces in Iraq and in Afghanistan. The Iran nuclear negotiations are also of great concern to the Japanese, given their country’s ability to contribute in any discussion regarding the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
And tragically, in recent weeks, Japan has been given new and urgent reasons to look outward. When I was in Tokyo, the first of two Japanese hostages held by the ISIL network had just been killed. The second, Kenji Goto, was a man of singular decency and courage whose sole purpose in entering Syria had been to rescue his countryman. Despite widespread appeals for his release, Mr. Goto was murdered shortly after I left. The killings were an apparent retribution for Japan’s pledge of $200 million in humanitarian assistance – I repeat, humanitarian assistance – to the victims of fighting in the Middle East. The terrorist leaders have since threatened the Japanese, saying that they have “an entire army thirsty for your blood.” As in Pakistan, France, Jordan, Egypt, the United States, and many other lands, the effort by violent extremists to intimidate and divide the people of Japan will surely instead bring them together. The horror of the executions was deeply felt, and the threat to Japanese citizens worldwide has fed an internal discussion that has been ongoing about the appropriate role of the country’s self-defense force. Japan as a nation is working to reconcile modern demands with hard-won lessons from the past.
http://www.state.gov/p/us/rm/2015/238035.htm
,,,
연설이 끝나고 질의응답이 이어짐.
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